races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité...

 

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races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité... 

ouvert le 31 janvier 2014

races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité...

9 juillet 2014

Intersectionality and its Relationship to Marxist Theory revolutionary socialism in the 21st century 2013

Black feminism and intersectionality  Sharon Smith International Socialist Review

10 février 2014

The complexity of Intersectionality LeslieMcCall PDF

races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité...

The American economy is in good shape: profits are soaring, employment is expanding, and technological advances abound. Yet inequality between genders and among races still exists. In Complex Inequality, Leslie McCall sifts through the complexities surrounding wage differences and economic restructuring to provide an important new understanding of the differences gender, race, and class make in inequality. McCall's vision of the issue will offer a new way to approach and address the complexities of inequality

races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité... Interview with Ifeoma Ajunwa video

en relation Intersectionality / a marxist-feminist critical theory

31 janvier 2014

Abolishing Race in Theory ? Against Race by Paul Gilroy (Harvard Univ Press 2000)

races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité... des effets pervers de la contradiction unique entre classes

PAUL GILROY'S THE Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (1993) was probably the most influential academic book on race published in the 1990s. Gilroy's study of political and cultural routes of the African diaspora popularized the theory of “hybridity,” a description of migration, ethnic mixing and border crossing as markers of identity. Gilroy posed his theory as an alternative to Marxism, which, he argued, failed to adequately capture or describe the traumas and aspirations of Black experience. This was interesting given that Richard Wright and W.E.B. Du Bois, the two most famous Black Communists in U.S. history, were offered as case studies of Gilroy's diasporic idea. Gilroy in fact never cites Marx or Marxism in the index to The Black Atlantic. In 2000 Gilroy published Against Race. The book is primarily an examination of the legacy of fascism. It attacks “essentialist” ideas about race, i.e. scientific, political or ideological definitions of race that are absolutist.

Alternative to Marxism?

As in The Black Atlantic, Gilroy's humanism is also offered as an alternative to a Marxist analysis of race. He in fact launches his argument by subtly discrediting Marxism. He does this through critical shorthand and punning.

In the only reference to their writing in the entire book, he argues that “Marx and Engels appropriated the idea of political solidarity in opposition to the power of nation-states when, at the start of The Communist Manifesto, they described the world they saw progressively divided `into two great hostile camps . . . facing each other.'” He continues, “The class-based identification of the countryless proletarians was thus also a matter of camp-thinking -- a mode of solidarity so powerful that it broke the historic allegiance of their universal class, industrial workers, to its respective national bourgeoisies. They saw antagonistic social forces more profound than those of the nation constituted in this distinctive arrangement.” (83). Gilroy does not diagnose or apply Marx and Engels' theory of class struggle and bourgeois nationalism. Rather, he proceeds to assign a “camp” mentality to a wide range of thinkers about race and national identity, those drawn “by the lore of blood, bodies, and fantasies of absolute cultural identity.” (83) These include fascists, hyper-nationalists, scientific racists, eugenicists, cultural nationalists, fundamentalists -- everyone who is “for” the idea of race which Gilroy is against.

Those familiar with The Communist Manifesto may be surprised by Gilroy's use of Marx. Assigning Marxism the historical responsibility of creating “camp” mentalities subtly aligns it in his argument with the history of racism. [suite]

Towards the Abolition of Whiteness, Essays on Race, Politics, and Working Class History David Roediger

races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité... à propos de frontières entre histoire du travail et politique, entre races et classes

Towards the Abolition of Whitenesscounts the costs of whiteness in the American past and present. It finds those costs insupportable. At a time when prevailing liberal wisdom argues for the downplaying of race in the hope of building coalitions dedicated to economic reform, Roediger wants to open, not close, debates on the privileges and miseries associated with being white. He closely examines the way in which white identities have historically prepared white Americans to accept the oppression of others, the emptiness of their own lives, and the impossibility of change.

Whether discussing popular culture, race and ethnicity, the evolution of such American keywords as gook, boss and redneck, the strikes of 1877 or the election of 1992, Roediger pushes at the boundaries between labor history and politics, as well as those between race and class. Alive to tension within what James Baldwin called “the lie of whiteness,” Roediger explores the record of dissent from white identity, especially in the cultural realm, and encourages the search for effective political challenges to whiteness.

“David Roediger has emerged as the leading analyst, critic and interpreter of the role of 'whiteness' in US history and culture. His carefully researched and historically grounded writing shows us that white racism has been a central force in US history, and a key component of Euro-American identity, not just an aberration in an otherwise color-blind society.” — George Lipsitz, University of California, San Diego

Abolish the White Race Harvard Magazine, sept.oct. 2002

races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité... extraits

In the interests of survival, Afro-Americans have always studied whiteness. There is a long tradition among them that the white race is a peculiar sort of social formation, one that depends on its members’ willingness to conform to the institutions and behavior patterns that reproduce it. By the early 1900s…it was becoming commonplace in the academy to speak of race, along with class and gender, as a social construct

races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité...

In addition to the notion of race as a social construct, [an old friend, John Garvey, and I] shared another, which we owed to the West Indian Marxist C.L.R. James: that ordinary Americans are drawn by the conditions of their lives in two opposite directions, one that mirrors and reproduces the present society of competition and exploitation, and another that points toward a new society based on freely associated activity. We believed that this internal antagonism played itself out as a civil war within the white mind, between the desire of whites to wall themselves off from black Americans and their desire to overcome the boundaries that kept them apart.

races, genres, classes, Intersectionnalité...

(d'un site néo-nazi) Noel Ignatev « A Harvard professor wants to abolish the white race. Noel Ignatiev, a founder of a journal called Race Traitor and a fellow at Harvard's W.E.B. DuBois Institute, a leading black-studies department, argues in the current issue of Harvard Magazine that "abolishing the white race" is "so desirable that some may find it hard to believe" that anyone other than "committed white supremacists" would oppose it. In excerpts appearing this week in newspapers nationwide, Mr. Ignatiev, who is white, writes that "every group within white America," including "labor unionists, ethnic groups, college students, schoolteachers, taxpayers and white women" has at one time or another "advanced its particular and narrowly defined interests at the expense of black people as a race." Mr. Ignatiev pledges in the essay that his journal, Race Traitor, intends to "keep bashing the dead white males, and the live ones, and the females, too, until the social construct known as 'the white race' is destroyed not 'deconstructed' but destroyed." Ignatiev, the son of Jewish immigrants from Russia, was raised in Philadelphia He attended the University of Pennsylvania but dropped out after three years./> Under the name Noel Ignatin, he joined the Communist Party USA in January 1958, but in August left (along with Theodore W. Allen Harry Haywood) to help form the Provisional Organizing Committee to Reconstitute the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (POC). He was expelled from the POC in 1966. Later he became involved in the Students for a Democratic Society When that organization fractured in the late 1960s, Ignatiev became part of the Third-worldist Maoist New Communist Movement , forming the group Sojourner Truth Organization in 1970. Unlike other groups in the New Communist Movement, the STO and Ignatiev were also heavily influenced by the ideas of Trinidadian writer C.L.R. James For 20 years, Ignatiev worked in a Chicago steel mill in the manufacturing of farming equipment and electrical components. A Marxist activist, he was involved in strikes by the mostly-African-American laborers of the steel mill. In 1984, he was laid off from the steel mill, approximately a year after an arrest on charges of attacking a strike-breaker's car with a paint bomb